Chapter one
The features of the relationship between Egypt and
Nile basin countries
1.
Historical background:-
-Historically, Egypt
was considered an African rather than an Arab state. And its relations with
south of the Nile valley and Central Africa have continued ever since. It is
possible to view the geopolitical regional relations between Egypt and the
states of the African Horn and the Nile basin in such a way that they could be
considered conducive to cooperation in peacetime, but a point of pressure that
might threaten the Egyptian entity in case of war or the threat of it.
The first aspect of
this relationship resulted when the Red Sea became an important international
waterway and centers of interest of the international powers, hence the
necessity for Egyptian, Arab and African cooperation by virtue of the long
African and Western shorelines on this very Sea, The second aspect was imposed
by the water sources of the Nile, as Egypt relies entirely on the Nile River to
supply her need for fresh waters. Ethiopia claims a monopoly of supply by
consuming more than 80 percent of these sources. This is a fact that has set a
permanent goal for the Egyptian leadership to ensure the present flow of waters
of the Nile, The third aspect relates to the Nile River as an international
river crossing the borders of ten states of the Nile basin. Such international
nature of the river presents a grave challenge necessitating cooperation
between all riparian states for the management of sources of the river to
achieve the best utilization; the fourth aspect is reflected in the nature of
protracted conflicts in the African Horn of Africa, and East Africa,
particularly in Sudan, Somalia, northern Uganda, and the Great Lakes region.
The Nile water for Egypt, a
matter of life and death Unlike other basin States and the objective of
securing the top of the Nile water has always been its foreign policy but
reached to the extent that some people make him a god to worship, also the Nile
valley plays an important role in Egyptian-Nile
basin countries relations and
the achievement of integration because
it is the primary resource of water and Came to be regarded as a water variable because the nile river is one of the main factors that threaten the good-neighborly
relations and regional cooperation among the
riparian States of
international river
basins and in the light
of the increasing role of water variable in contemporary international politics.
The Nile river respect in terms of topographic[1] with two properties: -
First: - River Nile took complete control over the economy and the lives of the Egyptian state, so Egypt's political strength is directly proportional to the amount of water available to them, and the national income equals the income of the water almost.
First: - River Nile took complete control over the economy and the lives of the Egyptian state, so Egypt's political strength is directly proportional to the amount of water available to them, and the national income equals the income of the water almost.
Second: - Egypt is the biggest beneficiary of the Nile is not having any of the follow-up to make it always keen in its relations with the rest of the other States where there are follow up and pursue a policy of flexible and a bit about the internal conflicts and regional and international levels. The Nile Basin countries, nine have only The interests of limited or marginal with the exception of Sudan and the principle of ensuring that the form of Nile water a fundamental principle of the Group of Eight principles on which the Egyptian national security through successive historical eras.
1.
The Egyptian role factors:-
-The Egyptian role in Nile basin region as a part of
Africa relies on different factors that establish the importance of the
Egyptian presence in Africa. Prominent among those are a) its geographic
location; b) its historical and socio-cultural heritage and links; c) its
national interests; and d) its financial and political clout.
Geographical, Egypt lies
at the downstream end of the basin. The country receives hardly any rainfall,
and depends on the Nile for almost all its direct water requirements, including
agriculture, domestic and industrial supplies, navigation, and tourism. This
description implies that Egypt is located in Africa, and it is therefore a
country of Nile basin countries (Sudan-Burundi-Ethiopia-Kenya-Rwanda-Tanzania-Uganda-Eretria-D.R
Congo).
With regard to its historical and socio-cultural
heritage and links, Egypt is largely an Arab-Islamic state. Although Egypt, as
the rest of Africa, was only arabised and/or islamicised, both Arabism and
Islam have come to be rooted in Egyptian history and social-cultural fabric and
imaginary. So much so that taking Egypt from any of these two entities today
will mean an amputated Islamic or Arab world. The Cairo-based AL-AZHAR
UNIVERSITY is arguably the oldest (more than a thousand years) and the most
prestigious centre of Islamic scholarship in the world. And if one were to take
away the Egyptian contribution to contemporary Arabic language and literature
you would surely leave that language a lame man.
It is these two factors that largely inform Egypt’s
national interest, which is the third factor that defines a country’s foreign
policy. From its geographical location bordering the NILE BASIN countries, and
its social-historical (Arab-Islamic) links to the countries of this region,
events that happen in this part of the world are susceptible to impact either
positively or negatively on Egypt’s national security and economic, Political stability
in this region is therefore of great concern for Egyptian national security and
thus national interest. Also, given its limited natural resources and the
abundance of these resources in a number of countries of this region.
From its location north of the Nile Basin and
its dependence on the Nile River for its very existence, ensuring the
continuous flow of the Nile waters from countries of its origin, namely Uganda,
Sudan and Ethiopia, is one of key national interest concerns for Egypt. And of
course, maintaining its friendly relationship with the United Sates, the world’s
only superpower, and the generous financial assistance that has estimated at
more than $50 bn since 1978) is another key of foreign policy objective that Egypt
considers part of its national interest.
Finally, the fourth factor that
defines a country’s foreign policy, one must not forget that Egypt is a Third World
African state with limited economic resources at its disposal (but relatively
prosperous within Africa), and that is politically rivaled by other actors on
all of its geographical borders. The financial and political weight that a
country carries may constitute an advantage or a constraint on that country’s
foreign policy choices and actions. Egypt’s financial and political status constitutes
both.
With regard to this status
constituting a constraint on Egypt’s foreign policy actions in Africa, it is
worth noting that countries such as Ethiopia and Kenya rival Egypt and spearhead
initiatives that Egypt could do in order to have a more noticeable
Africa-focused foreign policy and also tend to exclude Egypt from the club of
Nile basin countries. This is largely informed by the fear of these countries
of Egyptian domination. Another reason of this situation may also be the fact
that they were all under domination and still maintain close ties with London
and Paris, which is not the case for Egypt. Egypt is considered as African and
country would want to preserve the leadership role in that region.
1.
The
issue of Nile water
The maximum average
rainfall of only 120mm per year is the least in the region, a situation, which
over the centuries has forced Egypt to irrigate more land for its agricultural
production. Table 3 shows that land irrigated by Egypt in the Nile River basin
is almost twice the land irrigated by the other riparian states combined. Table
2 also shows that most of the Nile River basin countries namely, Burundi, DRC, Rwanda,
Kenya, Uganda, Eritrea, and Ethiopia, have so far not adequately utilized the river
for irrigation. However, these countries receive more rain as compared to
Egypt.
-But
it is clear nowadays the change in the hydro politics[1] and the challenges that
will face Egypt as a result of this change, since 1999 comprehensive efforts have been made toward
the development of a new Nile Basin regime called the Nile Basin Initiative
(NBI). The NBI is a partnership initiated and run by the riparian states of the
Nile River through the Council of Ministers of Water Affairs of the Nile Basin
states (NBI 2010). All riparian states of the Nile Basin are included in the
NBI, except for Eritrea, which has observer status.
The
objectives of the NBI are to:-
• develop
the Nile Basin water resources in a sustainable and equitable way to ensure
prosperity, security, and peace for all its peoples;
• ensure
efficient water management and the optimal use of the resources;
• ensure
cooperation and joint action between the riparian countries, seeking win-win
gains;
• target
poverty eradication and promote economic integration; and
• ensure
that the program results in a move from planning to action. (NBI 2010)
The NBI
tries to develop the river basin by implementing a broad approach, using
different tools at different levels. At the international level, the NBI
intends to promote a shared vision among all riparians. This Shared Vision
Project (SVP) includes “grants-based activities to foster trust and in
promoting cooperative and integrated water resource management among the Nile
Basin riparians. The ratification of a legal agreement is the first step in
this direction. The Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) is the key element
for the formation of the new regime and the most contentious part of the regime
negotiations. Once ratified, the CFA is expected to replace the 1929 and 1959
agreements and therefore implement a new legal entity for allocating the Nile’s
waters. The dispute over the CFA originates from the question of maintaining
the legal–political status quo of existing water allocation. Egypt, as it can
be imagined, would not light-mindedly hand in the agreements that are
beneficiary for its own status quo. Clearly, the preexisting regimes present
huge obstacles to formation of a new regime in the Nile Basin.
The World Bank and
the Canadian International Development Agency are the donors most involved in
the NBI process. The Nile Basin Trust Fund (NBTF), established in 2003, is
managed by the World Bank and encompasses most of the international donor
support. It is unlikely that the NBI would have come to life without the strong
international (donor) support. “As such, donor support in the establishment and
evolution of the NBI is considered to have been crucial and indispensable. But
because of its over-reliance on multilateral donors, the NBI has also been
frequently portrayed by several critical voices as excessively donor-driven”
Yet, without international technical, financial, and political support, it is
unlikely that the NBI would have come this far. This clearly demonstrates the
importance of international actors in the formation of a new water regime.
[1] World
Bank 2011: 48-50
[2]Karyabwite,
Diana RizzolioWater Sharing in the Nile River Valley, (Geneva:
UNEP/DEWA/GRID, January-June 2000), p. 25.
[1] Source: Karyabwite, Diana Rizzolio, Water Sharing in
the Nile River Valley (Geneva: UNEP/DEWA/GRID, January-June 2010), p. 33.
[2] (FAO
2010)
[1] Topography
is the shape or configuration of the land, represented on a map by contour
lines, hypsometric tints, and relief shading.
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